Relocation of Forest-dwelling Communities

Voluntary Relocation: A Rights-First Approach to Balancing Conservation and Human Dignity

In October 2025, the Union Ministry of Tribal Affairs (MoTA) unveiled its new policy for relocating forest-dwelling communities from tiger reserves, reaffirming that such relocations must be “exceptional, voluntary, and evidence-based.” This explicit commitment comes amidst growing criticism of India’s historical reliance on exclusionary conservation measures, which have often displaced tribes without adequate rehabilitation. At the heart of this policy lies a contentious, yet necessary, debate: how should India balance its constitutional obligation to protect vulnerable communities with the imperative to conserve endangered species like the tiger?

The Policy Instrument: FRA, WLPA, and Procedural Safeguards

The legal framework backing this policy is robust on paper. The Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006 explicitly mandates that relocations must be preceded by Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) from the affected Gram Sabha. Additionally, coexistence with wildlife must be ruled unfeasible using scientific evidence, and comprehensive rehabilitation packages—including land-for-land compensation—must be assured. This sits alongside the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, which allows relocations only if irreversible ecological damage is proven and all alternatives fail.

This framework is bolstered by MoTA’s insistence on mechanisms for accountability and transparency, such as public dashboards and independent audits. The emphasis on creating a National Framework for Community-Centred Conservation and Relocation (NFCCR) and a National Database on Conservation-Community Interface (NDCCI) signals the government’s intent to institutionalize procedural standards and monitor outcomes systematically. Crucially, Gram Sabha-based decision-making places community self-determination at the core of the process.

The Case For: Conservation Gains Without Dispossession

Advocates of the policy argue that ethical conservation isn’t just morally desirable—it is pragmatically essential. India’s tiger population has risen to 3,167 in 2023, a 6.74% increase from the previous estimate. Much of this growth is attributed to community-led conservation efforts in regions like the Sundarbans. A rights-based relocation policy, grounded in locally relevant conditions, could further incentivize harmonious coexistence.

Voluntary relocation also avoids the coercive failures of India’s earlier “fortress conservation” paradigm. Between 2002 and 2018, studies revealed that 142 villages were displaced from protected areas without satisfactory rehabilitation, leaving communities destitute and triggering prolonged legal disputes. The financial provisions proposed under the FRA, including land-for-land compensation and livelihood restoration, offer opportunities for proactive resettlement rather than forced evictions.

Furthermore, the dual pathways outlined—coexistence and voluntary relocation—emphasize flexibility. Coexistence models provide forest dwellers with access to infrastructure, conservation roles, and livelihood support, as evidenced in the Melghat Tiger Reserve which saw positive conservation outcomes alongside improved tribal welfare. Where relocation is unavoidable, the policy ensures safeguards that reflect constitutional commitments under Article 21 (life and livelihood) and Article 244 (self-governance in Scheduled Areas).

The Case Against: Gaps in Enforcement and Institutional Weaknesses

Enforcement skepticism is not misplaced. India’s bureaucratic history is rife with implementation failures in tribal welfare. A glaring gap lies in the actual functionality of Gram Sabhas. Multiple independent audits since 2016 have revealed that 70% of Gram Sabha decisions on forest rights were either overturned or ignored by state authorities. The risk is that FPIC, however legally mandated, could be reduced to a box-ticking exercise.

Another limitation is the lack of clarity on monitoring post-relocation outcomes. Although the policy proposes NDCCI for tracking rehabilitation, India's existing databases—such as the National Tiger Conservation Authority’s (NTCA)—have faced repeated delays in updating data. Poor inter-ministerial coordination between MoTA and the Ministry of Environment, Forest, and Climate Change (MoEFCC) further undermines policy coherence.

Financial viability also raises concerns. Relocation costs under the FRA’s rehabilitation clause average ₹10 lakhs per family, yet the Union Budget 2025 allocates just ₹250 crores for tiger conservation programs. Given inflationary pressures, this falls far short of meeting rehabilitation needs for an estimated 35,000 affected families, even if relocations remain voluntary.

Finally, critics argue that scientifically proving “irreversible ecological damage” lacks operational consistency. What qualifies as “damage,” and who determines whether coexistence is truly infeasible? With local ecological metrics varying across reserves, this ambiguity could lead to arbitrary decision-making.

Lessons from South Africa: A Cautionary Tale

South Africa’s Kruger National Park offers an instructive comparison. Like India, it witnessed decades of colonial displacement in the name of conservation. However, its post-apartheid restitution model prioritized the return of land to displaced indigenous communities. One program—the “Makuleke Contractual Park”—integrates conservation with tribal governance, allowing communities to co-manage wildlife habitats. While successful in restoring dignity to affected communities, limited state funding and inter-agency disputes led to slow implementation, curbing broader replication of the model.

The takeaway for India is clear: while rights-based relocation policies can mitigate dispossession and foster conservation partnerships, they are administratively burdensome and demand sustained financial, institutional, and political backing. Mere legal guarantees cannot substitute for effective enforcement.

Where Things Stand

The MoTA policy represents a shift away from eviction-driven conservation toward a more inclusive, consent-driven framework. Yet, its success hinges on operational clarity and accountability mechanisms, both of which require urgent strengthening at the state level. The policy’s ambitious commitment to coexistence and voluntary relocation is laudable, but without robust Gram Sabha empowerment, adequate funding, and inter-agency coherence, it risks diluting into a symbolic gesture.

India’s challenge is not simply balancing conservation and tribal rights; it is ensuring that institutional systems uphold both. Whether the policy succeeds or falters will depend on how actively the state engages communities rather than imposing top-down directives.

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