Equalising Primary Food Consumption in India

Equalising Primary Food Consumption: Revisiting India's Food Equity Paradigm

India’s transition from chronic food scarcity to self-sufficiency is often celebrated as one of its key post-independence achievements. Yet, beneath this veneer of progress lies a stubborn and uncomfortable reality: millions remain trapped in food insecurity, not just in terms of quantity but nutritional sufficiency. The National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) Household Consumption Expenditure Survey 2023-24 and CRISIL’s recent thali affordability metrics expose glaring inequities in primary food consumption that mock the claims of inclusive growth.

At its core, equalising primary food consumption is not merely about distributing calories or maintaining hunger-based statistics. It is a structural question of equity within India’s fractured socio-economic fabric. Any serious analysis must begin with the lesson embedded in NSSO findings: half of rural households and one in every five urban households cannot afford two balanced meals a day, even when existing Public Distribution System (PDS) subsidies are factored in. This is more than a policy gap. It is a glaring indictment of persisting structural inequality.

The Institutional Landscape: A Mixed Bag of Policies

India’s legislative ecosystem offers a robust framework to tackle basic food insecurity, primarily through the National Food Security Act (NFSA). Covering 81 crore people, NFSA provides subsidised cereals through schemes like Antyodaya Anna Yojana (AAY) and Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana (PMGKAY). Since 2024, PMGKAY has been extended to mitigate post-pandemic economic challenges. On paper, these interventions appear sufficient to shield a vast population from starvation.

The Public Distribution System has helped equalise cereal consumption across income groups. However, this narrow focus on staple grains like rice and wheat ignores a more alarming problem — protein inequality. NSSO data reveals that the poorest households consume less than half the pulses compared to the richest, despite pulses being the primary protein source for most Indians. This disparity directly undermines the Comprehensive Nutrition Report’s emphasis on combating anaemia among women and children by diversifying iron intake.

Supplementary schemes like PM POSHAN and fortified rice distribution under the PDS promote nutritional improvement for targeted groups (schoolchildren, beneficiaries of micronutrient programs). However, even these commendable measures fail to address broader inadequacies in protein and vegetable consumption across income categories.

Structural Concerns: Is the PDS Too Broad?

Critics of the PDS cite its blanket approach as a major flaw. According to NSSO data, cereals constitute only 10% of total household expenditure, even among rural poor populations. Yet, disproportionate resources are allocated to cereal subsidies while other nutritional gaps — protein, vegetables, and micronutrients — remain ignored.

Moreover, rural subsidy distribution suffers from inefficiency. The top 10% of rural households consume almost the same subsidy volume as the bottom 5%, even though their expenditure capacity is triple. This regressive trend undermines the principle of targeted poverty alleviation. Urban areas fare slightly better, yet around 80% of households benefit, including those with adequate nutritional standards, suggesting misallocation of limited resources.

Comparative Perspectives: Lessons from Brazil

India’s PDS model appears outdated when compared to Brazil’s Zero Hunger program. Brazil’s Bolsa Família integrates cash transfers with nutritional assistance and direct food distribution, targeting only the poorest households. Critically, the program prioritises balanced meals, including proteins, fruits, and vegetables, over mere calorie provision. This evidence-based targeting has led Brazil to eliminate hunger while simultaneously reducing severe malnutrition. Such an approach would be revolutionary in India, where the rigidity of the PDS silos funding into cereals alone, ignoring more comprehensive dietary needs.

Engaging with Counter-Arguments

The strongest opposition to restructuring food subsidies stems from logistical concerns. India’s vast population and high dependence on cereals argue in favour of retaining PDS in its current form, especially to safeguard against shortages during crises. Moreover, some analysts caution that prioritising high-value foods like pulses and vegetables could escalate costs, making subsidies fiscally unviable in a resource-constrained economy.

Yet these arguments fail to account for existing inefficiencies. Reallocating resources within the PDS — reducing blanket cereal entitlements and increasing support for non-cereal consumption — could balance affordability concerns without necessitating drastic fiscal expansion. It is not a question of “whether” resource redistribution is possible but “how” efficiently the system can be recalibrated.

Assessment: Where Does India Stand?

India must recalibrate its food security paradigm from being calorie-centric to nutritional equity-driven. This requires structural reforms within the PDS, targeted subsidy reallocations, and an integration of smart nutritional programs akin to Brazil’s Bolsa Família. Policy success is not measured by how many tonnes of rice are distributed to households but by how many people can afford culturally adequate, balanced meals.

Realistically, immediate policy action should focus on restricting subsidies for households already consuming above the threshold of two thalis per day and redirecting these resources towards vulnerable groups. Simultaneously, urban poverty programs like the DAY-NULM must include nutritional equity as a core goal.

Food equity cannot merely be legislated, nor can it rest on blanket policies devoid of targeting. The challenge ahead lies in deploying the resources we already have — smarter, better, and for all.

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